Justice

When we talk about justice, we mean dealing with conflicts between people or groups of people. Often the use of violence is at the center of this. We understand violence as a spectrum. It includes physical, sexual, psychological an verbal abuse. Violence can take place on the street between strangers or behind closed doors in the closest of relationships. Relationships and networks can provide support while also being places where violence is perpetrated. Often, however, violence is not individual, but is related to and serves to perpetuate prejudice, unspoken norms, or discriminatory laws. These relations of domination generate violence that is not only expressed physically. This is what we call structural and institutionalized violence.{{LesMigraS, Unser Gewaltverständis, LesMigraS Antidiskriminierungs- und Antigewaltbereich der Lesbenberatung Berlin e.V., 2015 (definition)}}

Structural and institutionalized violence

In today’s justice system, not everyone is equal, even though the system often claims they are. Those who have more money can afford better lawyers and are therefore more likely to be acquitted or do not have to go to jail just because the fine cannot be paid (so-called substitute imprisonment). When people are punished for being poor, it is classism. For many Black people and People of Color it is part of everyday life to be checked and humiliated by the police „without suspicion“ (racial profiling).{{Rassistische Polizeigewalt in Europa, Arte, 2020 (video)}}{{Die Berliner Kampagne: Ban! Racial Profiling – Gefährliche Orte abschaffen!, Stellungnahme, KOP – Kampagne für Opfer rassistischer Polizeigewalt, 2017 (article)}} Femicides are down played as individual cases instead of seeing them as a structural problem in society, and marital rape is often not named as such.{{Netzwerk gegen feminizide – wir wollen uns lebend (website)}}{{Kiezkommune, Feminizid, was ist das nochmal?!, kiezkommune.noblogs, 2021 (article)}} And the institutions behind all this – ministries, courts, police, secret service, etc. – are unassailable.

At the same time, property often plays a more important role than the well-being of all people. Most prisoners in Germany are behind bars for property crimes{{Statistisches Bundesamt (Destatis), Rechtspflege – Strafvollzug– Demographische und kriminologische Merkmale der Strafgefangenen zum Stichtag 31.3.2018, 2018 (statistics)}}, such as simple shoplifting or riding a train without a ticket{{Naturfreunde Jugend Berlin, Entknastung!, 2021 (article)}}{{KNAS – Initiative für den Rückbau von Gefängnissen (website)}}. Prisons and other forms of incarceration (camps, deportation centers, forced psychiatry, and others) isolate, incapacitate, exploit, conform, and kill.{{kaos – Offenes anarchistisches Treffen in München, Die Rolle der Gefängnisse innerhalb der Gesellschaft, 2018 (brochure)}}{{Anarchist Black Cross – Agitation And Action, Eine Einführung in die Knast-Kritik, (article)}}{{August O’Clairre, Take your Mark, Get Ready, Ablate – 3 positions against prisons, (brochure)}}

Separation of powers and laws

In many contemporary societies there is a separation of powers. This makes sense in order not to concentrate the power to decide on the solution of conflicts (judiciary), to exercise physical force (executive) and to make laws (legislature) in the same circle of persons. In capitalist society, however, there is still a clear monopoly of power in each sphere, and even the separation does not always remain clear (e.g., when the police, intelligence agencies and public prosecutors work together or politicians mingle in).{{Anna Luczak, Kontrolle von Polizeihandeln: Schwierige Wege führen selten zum Ziel, Cilip, 2019 (written down presentation)}}

Within society, major conflicts are rarely resolved among those involved. Individuals are relied upon to judge people’s fates over many years (judiciary). When people defend themselves against violence, it quickly happens that they are condemned for it. This is because the monopoly on physical violence lies with the police and military (executive){{Prozessbericht vom 18.2.2021 / Justizwatch & Culture of Deportation, VG Stuttgart legitimiert rassistische Polizeigewalt in Ellwangen und gibt Freibrief für Razzien in Erstaufnahmezentren ab 6 Uhr morgens, KOP – Kampagne für Opfer rassistischer Polizeigewalt, 2021 (article)}} and laws are passed in parliament, with little participation from society (legislative).

Laws are not the same as moral principles. The latter have a more informal character and are negotiated and enforced by people among themselves. Moral principles are not the same everywhere and at all times. They differ from community to community. If they are consciously developed as an alternative and on the principles of solidarity and emancipation, they can lead to more justice.{{¿Zapalotta?, ¿Wer sind die Zapatistas?, 2021 (article)}} However, they are often permeated by relations of domination and remain unquestioned. Therefore, they have much influence on our moral compass and make it difficult for us to develop alternative conceptions of justice. There is overlap between moral principles and laws, which is why it sometimes seems right for us to obey them (e.g., do not kill).*{{An important aspect here is the influence of religions, especially the dominance of Christian values, which was violently enforced through colonialism and missionary work. This is also very effective in supposedly non-religious states such as Germany.}} At the same time, there are laws that run counter to values of solidarity (e.g., the criminalization of migration and flight). These kinds of laws are difficult for us to understand because they are not made in our interest, but in the interest of states and profit.

So in today’s society, in general it’s not that we abide by laws because we find them meaningful. Or that when we commit violence, we can address and overthink where that behavior comes from and what we can do about it. The main motivation to abide by laws that are not in line with our values is fear of the consequences. This external motivation, driven by fear, is visible in today’s society and stands in the way of social solidarity.

 „Public Order“ and Police

 In Europe the idea of state-regulated „public order“ developed along with capitalism. Through debt and expropriation peasants and craftsmen were forced to move to the cities. There, however, they did not voluntarily enter into dependent wage labor. Begging, sex work, theft, robbery and moving from place to place served to sustain life. At the same time, people eluded state control through these means. To reduce the risk of revolt and force people into wage labor and thus into the capitalist order, these independent survival strategies were criminalized and punished. It was the evolving police force that ensured that people were captured to perform forced labor in workhouses and on ships.{{Silvia Federici, Caliban und die Hexe. Frauen, der Körper und die ursprüngliche Akkumulation, 2020, 7. Auflage, Mandelbaum Kritik & Utopie (book)}}

At the same time, state structures and institutions emerged. Together with a change in religious and philosophical values, they were the basis for a deep-seated self-disciplining. Over the course of centuries, this brought about a social transformation in which people largely internalized capitalist norms and behaviors and accepted them as „human nature.“ The mass exercise of violence by a ruling class was not abandoned in the process. In addition, pseudoscientific theories ensured that poor people and marginalized groups were seen as inherently „criminal“ and thus could be targeted for surveillance and persecution, even without cause. In the 19th century, therefore, the police mainly controlled neighborhoods inhabited by poor people and focused on the bloody suppression of strikes.{{Lea Pilone, Frieden für die Obrigkeit, Analyse & Kritik, 2021 (article)}} Methods of control and surveillance were further developed*{{Germany committed genocide against the Herrero and Nama in its colony, now Namibia. In the course of this, the first German concentration camps were established Jephta Nguherimo, Völkermord an Herero und Nama: Entschuldigung genügt nicht, 2021 (article)}} in German colonies, while under National Socialism the police racially persecuted, among others, Jews, Roma, and Sinti*{{This racist and anti-Semitic persecution not only continues today, but has a long institutional and structural history in Europe.}} (See ‚Antiracism & decolonization‘).{{Nelli Tügel & Jan Ole Arps, »Wir müssen uns aus dem polizeilichen Blick herausarbeiten«, Analyse & Kritik, 2020 (article)}}

Today’s functioning of the German police builds exactly on these discriminatory patterns. Even today, especially areas where many migrant and poor people live are declared so-called „crime-ridden places.“{{KOP Berlin, Racial Profiling – Alltäglicher Ausnahmezustand – Ein Gespräch mit Betroffenen, KOP Berlin Youtube-Kanal, 2020 (video)}}

Therefore the task of the police and the justice system is not to protect all people, but to protect the respective current relations of domination and property. Police violence and racism are not isolated cases or individual misconduct, but the structural basis of the police and the justice system.“*{{This podcast is also about, among other things, the emergence of the police in the U.S. in the context of perpetuating enslavement: Radio Dreyeckland, Sicherheit für wen?! Institutionalisierte Diskriminierung in der Polizeiarbeit und alternative Ansätze – Eine Podcastreihe, 2021 (podcast)}}

Understanding people

It is often said that people are intrinsically evil and therefore harsh laws are needed to control them. However, we think that human thought and action are shaped by the particular experiences and material circumstances of life. In a society in which everyone has access to good living conditions and violent oppressive relationships and relations are increasingly dismantled, completely different possibilities for personality development open up. This is not to say that people are inherently good. This is something we can only find out through serious examination of ourselves and with a lot of patience. We assume that people can and learn and change themselves even at older age. In this regard, it gives us hope to see how people behave cooperatively and support each other even today, despite an order based on competition and punishment.“{{Hillary Lazar, Love, Care, and Mutual Aid as Community Self-Defense, Life, Freedom & Ethics: Kropotkin Now! (Day 2, Saturday Sessions 1A & 2A), ab 3h 57m, 2021 (video)}}{{Lee Dugatkin, Kropotkin’s Law of Mutual Aid: An Evolutionary Perspective, Freedom & Ethics: Kropotkin Now! (Day 1, Friday Sessions 1 & 2), ab 2h 58m, 2021 (video).}}

What do we want to do differently?

We are convinced that in a classless society based on solidarity and mutual aid, there will be less violence. Many acts that are criminalized today will occupy less space. If the abolition of property means that everyone’s basic needs are met, there will also be fewer conflicts over property. However, violence will not stop from one day to the next and there will always be conflicts when people live together.{{Georges Fontenis, Manifesto of Libertarian Communism, Kapitel: Defence of the Revolution, 1953 (manifesto)}} So we need concrete ideas on how to deal with this in the long term. To avoid falling back into old structures, these should be based on other fundamental values. (See ‘Introduction’)

Mutual responsibility and conscious agreement on common arrangements are at the heart of this. If we want to resolve conflicts, the focus should not be on the violation of abstract rules, but on the concrete actions of individuals and the origin of these actions. At the same time, we must become more aware that people affected by violence do have the power to act.

Conflict resolution should no longer be preserved for a few professional people, but should be carried out collectively. To make this possible, conflict resolution must become an essential part of our education.{{Konsens lernen (website with many resources)}}

Even then, there will be conflicts that cannot simply be resolved among themselves. Therefore, we have considered an initial approach to concepts and structures for conflict resolution in a liberated society and dealing with interpersonal violence, and we have compiled existing concepts.

These proposed structures are deliberately independent of state institutions. They are based on the fact that all people living in a community participate in them voluntarily and agree to the common principles in an informed way.

Underlying concepts:

    • Awareness means being conscious and mindful. It is about creating structures that are responsive and able to act in acute situations of encroaching behavior and discrimination. Awareness concepts point out power structures (e.g. racism, patriarchy and classism) in the behavior of persons, structures and institutions in order to actively change them. The focus is on the affected person and their wishes. Three principles are important for this: Power of definition: each person can only set their own boundaries and define experiences for themselves.*{{This includes all persons involved in a conflict situation and does not mean that based on the definition of a single person others are punished}} 2. Partiality: complete, unquestioning solidarity with the affected person and their definition of boundary transgression. 3. Confidentiality: no action is taken without the request of the person concerned. This also applies to the disclosure of information.{{Ann Wiesental, Antisexistische Awareness – Ein Handbuch, Unrast-Verlag, 2017, S. 7-26 (book)}}{{Ann Wiesental, Antisexistische Awareness – Vortrag und Diskussion mit Ann Wiesental, AStA der JLU Giessen, 2021 (presentation)}}

In a longer process that may follow boundary crossing, it is advisable to apply other concepts that include the person committing violence and their perspective. These concepts can be Collective Accountability, Transformative Justice, and Intersectionality*{{These alternatives, already lived in practice, have been developed within communities that are simultaneously confronted with various forms of state, societal and interpersonal violence: e.g. Black women*, non-binary or illegalized people. Concepts and movements to abolish the police and prisons were and are also shaped by these communities.}}}}:

    • Community Accountability{{The Barnard Center for Research on Women, What is Accountability?, BCRW Videos, 2018 (video)}}{{Transformative Justice.eu (website)}}{{Melanie Brazzell (Hrsg.), Was macht uns wirklichsicher? Toolkit für Aktivist_innen, S. 4-10, 2017 (toolkit)}}: It is about building stable relationships and strong communities with shared values and visions and support groups for affected people and the ones perpetrating violence, even before a concrete act of violence takes place. Violence is understood less as individual and more as systematic.
    • Transformative Justice{{Gedanken über gemeinschafliche Hilfe in Fällen von intimer Gewalt (brochure)}}{{Awarenetz und ignite! Kollektiv, Transformative Gerechtigkeit & Kollektive Verantwortungsübernahme – Ein Diskussionsbeitrag, Archive.org, 2021 (brochure)}}{{What Really Makes Us Safe? Transnational Transformative Justice Project (website)}}{{Ann Wiesental, Antisexistische Awareness – Ein Handbuch, Unrast-Verlag, 2017, S. 57-78 (book)}}: It is a community supported process. The person perpetrating violence is expected to take responsibility and permanently change his or her behavior and attitudes, rather than being punished or expelled. This includes ending the violence and unconditionally acknowledging it. The person affected by the violence should feel safe (again) and be able to lead his or her life in a self-determined way. Because violence is seen as structural, the social conditions for it should also be changed. In this concept, community values and practices are developed that are directed against violence and oppression.
    • Intersectionality means that people can be affected by different social categories of inequality and the forms of discrimination based on them at the same time. These cannot be separated from each other. This then gives rise to new forms of discrimination, some of which have no name of their own. Therefore, each person has specific experiences, which in turn have concrete effects on social access and exclusion.{{LesMigraS, Was ist Mehrfachzugehörigkeit und Mehrfachdiskriminierung?, LesMigraS Antidiskriminierungs- und Antigewaltbereich der Lesbenberatung Berlin e.V., 2012 (definition)}}{{Ann Wiesental, Antisexistische Awareness – Ein Handbuch, Unrast-Verlag, 2017, S. 79-86 (book)}}

1 Where do we want to go in the long term?

 1.1 Principles

    • Community responsibility and change instead of punishment: changing beliefs and thought patterns that are the basis of our behavior doesn’t happen through the fear of punishment or in isolation, but through intensive engagement with them.
    • Conflict resolution is the basis for community functioning and therefore should not happen „on the side.“ All people living in a community share responsibility.
    • Processes of change take time and mean work. People who support this process must be allowed to do so.
    • Conflicts over property: If, for example, theft becomes necessary, this usually indicates a collective failure, e.g. because of unequal distribution. The focus here should be on changing the community rather than just looking for an individual problem.
    • Unconditional approachability: structures of justice are accessible to all people. All people are listened to, regardless of e.g. age or psychological and mental condition.

1.2 Preventing Permanent Concentration of Power{{CrimethInc., Fire Extinguishers and Fire Starters – Anarchist Interventions in the #SpanishRevolution, an account from Barcelona, Abschnitt: Grave Errors of the Protagonists of the Central Assembly, 2011 (article)}}

    • Separation of responsibilities: There is a clear separation between the structures of acute conflict intervention (intervening), short- to long-term conflict management and emotional support, and those responsible for assembling the social consensus (See point 1.2 C. ‘Social consensus’).
    • Responsibility and accountability: People who are part of the justice and intervention structures (see point 1.3 ‘Structure’) perform a task for a limited period of time. They are always responsible for their actions and can be held accountable for them. For this purpose, there are internal control mechanisms (e.g. regular supervision, self-reflection, group reflection, preparation of reports) as well as independent complaint mechanisms that are easily accessible to all. In addition to local plenary meetings (See program ‘Self-governance and self-management’) as an places where complaints can be adressed, others will be developed as needed.
    • Social consensus: justice and intervention structures gain legitimacy through a social consensus. This is a collection of the agreements of all people living in a community, the result of a negotiation process, and changeable through regular forums (See program section on ‘Self-governance and self-management’). Here it is possible to agree on clear limits to the scope of action of various structures.

1.3 Structure:

    • Contact persons in case of conflict (awareness structures) are the smallest local units of justice structures. They should be accessible around the clock and in every area of life (e.g. living community, workplace, public places). In acute situations, they are primarily responsible for providing immediate emotional support to the people involved and offer a safe space. If conflicts cannot be resolved directly, the parties involved turn to the justice commissions. Awareness structures are not responsible for physical intervention (e.g. detention).
    • Justice commissions are also part of the justice structures and are responsible for the long-term management of conflicts in a larger area (e.g. the respective municipality). Therefore, a prerequisite is that they have been intensively educated on the topic of conflict resolution methods. In conflicts involving interpersonal violence, they work with both the victims and the perpetrators of violence and their support circles, guided by the concepts described above.
    • Intervention teams are responsible for physical intervention and are part of the self-defense structures (See program section on ‘Self-defense’). Priority should always be given to verbal clarification of conflict situations, therefore they work together with the awareness structures (e.g. are always on the road together). In this process, the persons of the awareness structures decide when the intervention teams should intervene. They can only get the trust and approval to exercise physical force through the community. Nevertheless, there is a risk of a monopoly of power or abuse of power. Therefore, clear boundaries and control mechanisms are particularly important here. For example: may they imprison a person whose behavior poses an acute threat to the lives of others until the Justice Commission is contacted?
    • Justice forum: May be convened by the parties to a conflict, the relevant justice commission or associated plenary assemblies or councils, when a conflict crosses the boundaries of the justice commission. It also has jurisdiction over conflicts between different municipalities.
      • The structure of the justice forum could look like this: all people involved in the conflict are present, in addition delegates of the respective parties and further justice commissions as well as delegates of autonomous structures (see program part ‚Self-governance and self-management‚), if applicable. In addition, there may be fixed functions that are there to provide structure (e.g., moderation, process, protocol). These are limited for a certain period of time by people who are not involved in the decision-making.
      • Public: people not directly involved in the conflict can also have their say or at least always listen. People directly involved in the conflict and their support circles have more say.
      • Joint decision-making: depending on whether the conflict is between groups of people or individuals, as many people as possible who are directly or indirectly involved should have a say in the decision-making process. If this is not possible, the delegates of the justice commissions and autonomous structures can make decisions. These decisions are about protecting the person or people affected by violence and enabling them to live together in society.
    • What decisions can be made by awareness structures, justice commissions, and justice forums, and how much coercion may be used to enforce those decisions? This should be determined collectively by social consensus and, accordingly, is not the same in all communities. Each municipality should clarify whether people may be incarcerated there; how they will act toward people who over a longer period of time show an unwillingness to change their violent behavior; whether and at what point they feel exclusion from the municipality is warranted; and how decisions can be challenged.

Example: Person X and person Y, who share an apartment, have an argument, during which X starts to hit Y. Here, the awareness team in the housing block would make sure that Y gets out of the situation, for example, by asking X to leave the apartment or escorting Y to the space of the justice structure. In the event that X continues to be violent, even after being asked to leave, the local intervention team can intervene. To resolve the root of the conflict (Why were they fighting? Where did X’s violent behavior come from? What does Y need to feel safe in the apartment again?) is the responsibility of the neighborhood justice commission in the coming days/weeks/months.

  1. Transition phase
    • Overcoming violent conditions: As described above, we assume that there will be less violence in the long term. Today, we are in a cycle in which people who perpetrate violence have often had their own experiences of violence. To break this cycle, a transformation of society as a whole is necessary. But what does this mean for the transitional phase in which we all still carry and reproduce these violent conditions within us? Unlike the logic of the punitive state, we do not think we need state constraints to keep people „in check.“ Humans in themselves are not „evil“ and without the state we will not immediately end up in a „Mad Max society.“ To bring out the „good“ sides, that is, to gradually build a less violent society, dignified living conditions must be made possible for all.{{Vanessa E. Thompson & Daniel Loick im Gespräch mit Simone Miller, Philosophie des Abolitionismus. Gewalt nicht mit Gewalt beantworten, 2021 (audio)}}
    • Abolish the police … and then? At least as long as we carry the violence of this system within us, there will be a need for structures that can intervene and accompany conflicts. In order for the structures we propose to ensure that we can abolish the police and the justice system, they must be recognized by a majority of society that actively participates in them.“*{{Copwatch Leipzig has developed and compiled a concrete concept for the abolition of the police as well as comprehensive data on current police work in Saxony; Copwatch Leipzig, Hier & Jetzt: Solidarität statt Polizei – Ein Konzept zur Abschaffung der Polizei in Deutschland, 2021 (concept)}}
    • Emergence of alternative structures is accelerated by the absence of structures of state violence: We see this, for example, in the fact that Transformative Justice has its origins in marginalized communities in the U.S., where calling the police is not an option. Or in the awareness concept, which arose from the need to have structures of violence prevention even in leftist spaces that incorporate intersectional concepts and are independent of the state.
    • Education about justice: in order to internalize, develop and implement these new concepts on an ever broader societal level, accessible educational opportunities are particularly important in a transitional phase.
    • Coming to terms with the crimes committed under capitalism: How can we deal with perpetrators (e.g. military commanders, dictators or unscrupulous entrepreneurs)? How do we deal with the contradiction between the understandable need for revenge against those responsible for today’s suffering and the belief that every person can change? And what about the „small cogs in the wheel“? That is, people who today for example work in the Youth Welfare Office, Job Center or BAMF („Federal Office for Migration and Refugees“) and deliberately harass and discriminate against people? It is clear to us that today’s state functionaries should not be given decision-making positions or the legitimacy to use violence. At the same time, we cannot exclude all those who do not want to change, because a counterrevolution can quickly form from this.

3 What can we do in the short term?

 3.1 Building countervailing power

    • Contact persons for conflicts (awareness structures): The structures that already exist should be strengthened and new ones should be built. There should be contact persons for conflicts in all larger organizations and communities, e.g. at the workplace, in groups, associations and in living communities.
    • Citywide justice commissions can be formed temporarily, for example, when conflicts arise between people from different groups and communities. Delegates from the various awareness structures, among others, should assemble for this purpose.
    • Establishment of self-managed protection and support concepts: e.g. neighborhood and residential protection against fascist attacks or sexualized assaults (See program section on ‘Self-defense’).
    • Strengthen autonomous counseling services and contact points and establish new ones that are there for those affected by violence and discrimination. In addition, contact points or groups for dealing with one’s own violent behavior (alternative work with perpetrators) should be established.
    • Overcoming invisibility and isolation: Create space for community exchange about experienced violence. Make issues such as racism, sexism and other forms of structural violence visible. Self-responsibly address one’s own privileges (See program components ‘Antiracism & decolonization’, ‘Feminism’) e.g. through regular education and reflection in workplaces, educational institutions, residential communities and groups. Acknowledge that everyone is a potential perpetrator*.
    • Develop a „culture of intervention“: Far too often we see interpersonal violence being perpetrated in public spaces and most people look the other way. It is not enough for isolated people to learn to intervene. It must be self-evident that in such situations, support is always provided for the people involved. A start could be public campaigns to create more awareness.
    • Setting up broad, self-organized support funds*{{Similar to the concept of Rote Hilfe, only independent of the explicitly actionist character of the punishment. „Rote Hilfe is a solidarity organization that supports politically persecuted people from the left spectrum.“; Rote Hilfe e.V, Wer ist die Rote Hilfe? (website)}}: If many people pay what they have left into these funds, substitute custodial sentences*{{An existing example of such a fund is the Freedom Fund. This „frees people from prison throughout Germany who are behind bars for ‚driving without a ticket'“; Freiheitsfonds – Raus aus der JVA (website)}} and for example pre-trial detention can be prevented by bearing the costs or bail collectively.
    • Strengthen existing independent structures and concepts for violence prevention: e.g. accepting drug work, theater and media projects, street work. Being part of them allows to experience what challenges there are and how much strength it can give to support each other on an equal footing.

3.2 Reforms

Laws, security and judicial authorities, and other coercive institutions (e.g. camps, forced psychiatric hospitals and shelters) cannot be fundamentally reformed because they serve to protect existing conditions (See ‘Introduction’). The medium-term goal is to abolish these institutions, especially the police.{{Alex Vitale, The Growing Crisis in Policing: In Conversation with Alex Vitale, It’s Going Down, 2021 (podcast)}} At the same time, we need immediate measures to prevent criminalization, murder and violence, e.g. by the police. Short-term oriented reforms and the construction of alternative, long-term oriented justice structures don’t have to contradict each other.{{Michèle Winkler & Benjamin Derin, #Polizeiproblem abschaffen? – Einführende Skizzen zur Kritik der Polizei, Cilip, 2021 (article)}}

Laws

Police and Security Agencies

    • Independent monitoring and investigative body for police and other security authorities through delegates from affected groups, independent counseling centers, and organizations working on this issue.{{#EntnazifizierungJetzt (website)}}
    • Defund the Police: withdrawal of financial resources from the police. Redistribution, e.g. to social housing, health care, and education.{{Melanie Brazzell & Vanessa Thompson, #111 „Defund the Police“: Eine Welt ohne Polizei – geht das?, Dissens Podcast, 2021 (podcast)}}
    • Stop planned and rollback of expanded police powers, as well as upgrades (weapons, technology) and legislative tightening in recent years.{{Dirk Burczyk, Aufgaben- und Befugniszuwachs für die Bundespolizei, Cilip, 2021 (article)}}
    • No police during mental health crises: Develop concepts of independent intervention in mental crises, violence in relationships and family, and no cooperation of social institutions with the police.{{Johanna Mohrfeldt (ReachOut), Kein Einzelfall – Rassistische Kriminalisierung von Jugendlichen durch die Polizei, Berlin Rechtsaußen – Der Berlin-Blog vom apabiz, 2020 (article)}}
    • Clarification of all deaths in custody and development of mechanisms to prevent them. The majority of those affected by lethal violence in jail or police custody are non-white.{{Kampagne „Death in Custody“ (website)}}

Other institutions

    • Regular training in all public institutions: Structural and institutional violence and oppression do not go away on their own. Targeted training and awareness-raising is needed, for example, in schools, government offices, and health care settings.
    • Independent complaints mechanisms in all public institutions.

Further groups and additional info

(in addition to those in footnotes and sources)

 Recommended readings